The risk of doubt, however, is on the state. Id. at 996 (rejecting language in Brecht v. Abrahamson which places on defendant burden of showing prejudice). See Castillo v. Stainer, 983 at 149 (finding shackling at trial harmless error because defendant only wore waist chain that could not be seen by jury).
Several amendments were proposed before final passage of the bill by the Senate; all were defeated. Among them were an amendment by Robert Byrd which would have added a sunset provision after five years, an amendment by Ted Kennedy directing the Secretary of State to notify other countries that the . considered waterboarding and other enhanced interrogation techniques to be grave breaches of the Geneva Convention (  ), and an amendment by Arlen Specter ( R – PA ) and Patrick Leahy ( D – VT ) preserving habeas corpus. The Kennedy amendment was defeated on separation of powers grounds although the Republican manager of the bill and chairman of the Armed Services Committee, Senator Warner (R-VA), noted that he agreed with Sen. Kennedy that the techniques were grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions and “clearly prohibited by the bill." Specter's amendment was rejected by a vote of 51–48. Specter voted for the bill despite the defeat of his amendment. The bill was finally passed by the House on September 29, 2006 and presented to the President for signing on October 10, 2006. 
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Definition of ' Habeas Corpus ' - Lat. 'you have the body' - Prisoners often seek release by filing a petition for a writ of habeas corpus . A writ of habeas ...
The Democrats in Congress, controlled by Southerners, wrote the tariff laws in the 1830s, 1840s, and 1850s, and kept reducing rates so that the 1857 rates were the lowest since 1816. The Whigs and Republicans complained because they favored high tariffs to stimulate industrial growth, and Republicans called for an increase in tariffs in the 1860 election. The increases were only enacted in 1861 after Southerners resigned their seats in Congress.   The tariff issue was and is sometimes cited–long after the war–by Lost Cause historians and neo-Confederate apologists. In 1860–61 none of the groups that proposed compromises to head off secession raised the tariff issue.  Pamphleteers North and South rarely mentioned the tariff,  and when some did, for instance, Matthew Fontaine Maury  and John Lothrop Motley ,  they were generally writing for a foreign audience.